An Ethnolinguistic Assessment of Tumbuka Funeral Dirges: A 2025 Perspective on Orality and Poetic Device (Term Paper Sample)

AN ETHNOLINGUISTIC ASSESSMENT OF TUMBUKA FUNERAL DIRGES: A 2025 PERSPECTIVE ON ORALITY AND POETIC DEVICE Chapter one 1.1 Background The pursuit to find a compelling definition to the term “literature” is a phenomenon that many scholars have tried. However, the efforts by such scholars have been futile. That is, almost all the definitions that many scholars have been coming up with, as far as literature is concerned, are hazy or vague as they fall short of certain elements. While early scholars struggled to define the field, Finnegan (2024) notes that oral literature is no longer viewed as a precursor to the written word, but as a sophisticated, independent system of artistic performance. Merriam Webster (1995) defines literature as a practice of writing and reading works of fiction. The same term “literature” is also defined by Goring (2001) as the art of composition in prose or verse. The definitions from Goring and Webster do not capture the oral forms of literature. In other words, they fall short of recognising oral elements which are supposed to be included in the definitions. That is, from the definitions, the argument is that literature has only to do with letters, the written as opposed to oral art forms. Based on the two definitions, therefore, something that is oral is not literature since it has got nothing to do with the written. However, such an argument seems to be fallacious when we read the essay by Victor Shlovsky titled “art as device “where he argues that ‘the literary’ is a collection of devices which are used to transform the ordinary to become extraordinary. Also the Russian formalists generally argue that literature is language used in a special way such that it differs from ordinary language. Hence literature can be oral, verbal, written or spoken provided the language is used in an extraordinary manner. Initially, the definition of the term “literature” by many scholars seems to be vague due to the origin or basis of the term itself. According to Na’Allah (1994), the origin of the term “literature” can be traced to ancient Greece and the creation of plays, poems, and written stories in the western world. To them, literature is what has been written down and not what is uttered. As such, in defining it, the definitions do not capture oral features which are the central feature of African literature. This simply shows that the definition of the term literature, therefore, is from a Eurocentric view point. Simply put, the term itself is a Western concept. As such, in defining it, the definitions do not carry water in African sense. According to Babajo (2011), for something to be called literature, it has to be timeless, that is, it should be enjoyed by many generations that read or listen to it. Secondly, it should have a theme, that is, it should have an underlying meaning. The last trait of literature is that it should communicate across the cultures so that one culture can learn from the other. In African oral literature, these traits are at the heart of the oral art forms. For example, the song of Lawino by Okot P’Btek, old Nyaviyuyi in perfomace by Tito Banda and Lawrence Mbenjere’s songs provide enough justification that African oral literature meets such criteria. As such, African oral literature qualifies to be called literature. Such annotations have therefore compelled scholars to adjust the definition of the term literature so that it captures oral art forms. Banda (2009) has therefore defines literature as verbal art communicated in spoken or written form in which the communicator aims at offering pleasure and illumination through the imaginative and creative use of language. This definition challenges the Eurocentric view of literature. Similarly, Arthur (2014) also challenges the Eurocentric definition of literature by defining “literature” as ‘work of art not only what is written but also what is voiced, expressed or inverted in whatever form but it has to transform the ordinary to extraordinary’. There are enormous roles that Oral literature plays in African societies. According to Kushula (2001) and Banda (2009), the general functions of Oral literature are to educate the society, to bring awareness to people in society, that is, to make individuals aware of the upshots of their own behaviours or actions. Oral literature also acts as a way of passing information about culture from one generation to another; it entertains people, it is used as a major way of passing time and it exposes listeners to reality of human situations, problems or feelings. According to Amanse (2013), oral poetry is a popular genre in Africa largely due to the poetic nature of the African environment. Virtually every activity in Africa is associated with one form of poetic rendition or the other. Songs, recitations and music are used effectively to create the desired atmosphere and evoke the appropriate emotion whether solemn, happy or sorrowful depending on the occasion. It is in that connection that Babajo (2011) writes that in Africa, nothing is done without poetry. When people are happy, they sing; when a baby is born, people sing; when one dies, people sing too. Simply put, Oral literature, specifically songs illuminate the life and the world of African people when they are performed. Oral literature is usually brought into service in various ways or forms which include, in addition to elegiac poetry, epics, praise poems, panegyric, lyrics, genealogy and others. Of special interest in this study are songs that are sung during funerals, which in literature are referred to as funeral dirges. According to Jahan (1994), funeral dirges are categorised as elegiac poetry. In his book titled “The English elegy”, Sacks (1987), defines elegiac poetry as mournful, melancholic or plaintive songs or poems especially funeral songs or laments for the dead. However, elegiac poetry lacks recognition as a form of poetry by many. Such is the case due to the fact that it does not tackle or deal with political, economic and social phenomena. As such, it attracts less interest as compared to panegyric and other forms of oral poetry (Finnegan, 1970). In addition, Open books publishers observers that elegiac poetry is not common and recognised as literature due to the fact that it is produced and performed mainly by non-professionals especially women rather than educated figures. Also elegiac poetry shades into lyric poetry. As such, it is not treated as a distinctive genre. Nonetheless, there are intricate artistic conventions that can be identified in dirges and they are rich in poetic devices just as any other form of literature. The obvious instances are those poems or song performed at funerals or memorial rites. For example, Islamic funeral songs sung by the Hausa Mallans (Robinson 1886:2-13), short but complex Akan funeral dirges chanted by women soloists and Tumbuka funeral dirges which are sung throughout the night around the corpse or sometimes around the house in which the corpse rests while waiting for burial. It is against such background, therefore, that this study is aimed at finding out the extent to which funeral songs are literary by analysing the Tumbuka funeral songs in terms of poetic and literary elements. Funeral dirges have flourished in Africa for centuries. Prior to the introduction of western religions in Africa, people used to sing traditional dirges during funerals. However, with the coming in of European missionaries, Africans slowly diverted from traditional dirges to religious dirges which were introduced by the missionaries. In the long run, traditional dirges became extinct where as religious ones flourished. No wonder, it is rare to find traditional dirges being sung at funerals today. However, in the event that the one who has died was a pagan, Tumbukas sing the traditional dirges, but such cases occur once in a blue moon. This therefore explains why this study will focus on the religious Tumbuka dirges and not traditional dirges. 1.2 Brief background of the Tumbuka culture in Malawi Like the Chewa of central and southern Malawi, the Tumbuka came from Zaire now the Democratic Republic of Congo and settled in northern parts of Malawi in around fourteenth century AD. They were first interrupted by the group of people known as Balowoka who came from the East Coast of the Indian Ocean looking for ivory under their leader Kakalala Msawira who was nicknamed Mlowoka. Ivory was abundant in the Tumbuka area. The Balowoka then intermarried with the Tumbuka and afterwards seized both political and religious power. Later, the area was also invaded by the Ngoni who took power from the Balowoka (Alister 2002). The Ngoni and the Balowoka assumed control and supremacy in all spheres of life in the Tumbuka area after they started being ruled by the Balowoka and then the Ngoni. Since the intruders assumed the supremacy over the indigenous, the later was forced to copy the culture of the former. That is to say, the Tumbuka copied the culture of both the Ngoni and the Balowoka. Today the culture practiced by the Tumbuka is a hybrid between Balowoka and Ngoni culture. Alister (2002) observes that among the Tumbuka is a belief that when someone passes away, the body is buried but the spirit departs to the afterlife. In the event that one dies, the women hastily approach the bereaved family and commence singing. The main function of the songs is that the melody should accompany the spirit to the afterlife and for soothing the bereaved family. Such songs are referred to as funeral dirges. They are sung throughout the night around the corpse or sometimes around the house in which the corpse is resting while awaiting its burial. Women who are the composers and the performers of these funeral dirges employ various artistic elements that carry the message poetically. Simply put, Tumbuka funeral dirges utilise different poetic devices that help to successfully t...