Constitution Project - Cameroon (Term Paper Sample)

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Constitution Project - Cameroon
Since the conception of the human race, democracy has continuously been a governing routine all over the world. For that reason, virtually all democracies have a chronological starting point whether it is from a struggling state like Cameroon or of a developed nation like the United States of America. Notably, no republic originates from the blues. Social equality as it is typically termed fallout from surviving traditions and customs, ancient governmental structures as well as assumptions which all form an unremitting and balanced structure of administration during its changing historical duration. In this manner, the Cameroonian nation is not left behind. Many studies contend that this central African state adopts most of its governing directives from since the pre-colonial era through the colonial and thereafter using the unitary laws made in the tenure of Paul Biya.
Historically, the pre-colonial citizens of Cameroons enjoyed highly established and customized organizational cultures which guaranteed the civic involvement of all their tribes and settlements. Aim of this essay is, therefore, to keep track of the foundation as well as the advancement of the Cameroonian social equality through diverse historical interludes. The topic, therefore, covers the constant progress of constitutional development of the prehistoric democracy performed before colonization to the time western egalitarianism was embraced and exercised during the periods after the regal ages in Cameroon. Apart from being a logical discourse or theory, democracy is about conventional philosophies and norms rooted in the ethos practiced amongst the community under study. Otherwise, democracy as a governmental tool seeks out to unravel the boundless predicament of mortal life particularly in how one can effectively live with others in addition to surviving as part of the public. More importantly, one should note that democracy is not faultless but an unremitting process.
However, the democratic development of this central African nation is quite impressive. To start with, ‘Kamerun’ was first a German regal zone from 1884 to 1919, after that a League of Nations Mandate succeeding the loss of Germany in the First World War. After that, a United Nations Trust Territory managed by Britain and France separately. The French and British divisions of Cameroon were then amalgamated in 1961 under a Centralized arrangement, and then in 1972, the amalgamation was disbanded after a poll. This stride brought rise to the United Republic of Cameroon then afterwards the name was altered until now to the Republic of Cameroon in 1984 (Linda, 2017). Even so, Cameroon as compared to some neighboring countries in the sub-Region of Central Africa experienced a reasonable degree of political strength after their independence.
On the other hand, over the last few years, several tragedies have confounded the parable time and again spread by régime bureaucrats besides cohorts of the governing group concerning Cameroon remaining an isle of amity in unruly central Africa. Sadly, today there is a mounting fear around the basins of Lake Chad combined with an increase in raids happening across the borders in the Northern part of Cameroon by the radical sect known as Boko Haram originating from Nigerian. Also, in the East Region, lethal cross-boundary invasions by agitators from bordering Central African Republic (CAR) have significantly destabilised harmony and safety as was there before (Takougang, 2019). In the meantime, the continuing antagonistic state of affairs in the two English speaking Populations- which in the view of the Global Crisis Group- is steadily collapsing into a civilian conflict and has additionally dented the territory’s appearance as a nonviolent and protected locality. These calamities are as a result attributed to an explicit consequence of the republic’s chronological trail and the arrangement of government that was implemented resulting from the unification of the British and French colonial sections in 1961.
According to Gwaibi (2018), while addressing The Electoral Cycle and Grassroots Realities in Cameroon: The Omnipresent, Overbearing and Contested Political Elite, the beginning of the 90s was a time of autocratic assurance. Cameroon, like a majority of sub-Saharan states, was severely affected by the wave of objectivity and transformation that flew the continent of Africa transversely. Cameroon, even in the wave, did not incline into a revolution nor was the incumbent government pushed aside contrary to many other African states. As an alternative, the government set up led by Cameroon’s second president, Paul Biya, hesitantly accepted to the endorsement of partisan groupings plus the re-introduction of multiparty appointments even after succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo regarding his resignation in 1982 (Takougang, 2019). Multiplicity intensified the political element of danger and revived balloting battles thus changing them into combat zones in some circumstances where several players including political figures, traditional consultants, delegations as well as regular voters tussled out, even so, engaging all available means together with money, sects and cookery articles to gain votes.
Presently, the election structure is twisted in partiality of the leading party of CPDM which regularly go into the polling grounds as a strong candidate with very extraordinary odds of coming out successful in any election. This is the single reason why this project is initiated because the reality is owing to what many electoral spectators have labelled as polling hold-up. Specifically, this has been achieved because the electoral schedule in Cameroon is the solitary entitlement of the incumbent President who gets to decide what dates the balloting should be done. The state media often referred to him as the sole master of the electoral diary (Takougang, 2018). This, in this constitution project, is going to be cut and replaced by a fixed and trail-able electoral calendar that is in sequence and known by the citizens. On the other hand, the position of the electoral arrangement in Cameroon to put up with the prevailing regime and the pursuit by the regime to uphold the status-quo creates a difficulty of trying to visualize any evocative democratic transformation that may well set the foundation for open, impartial, transparent and trustworthy polls in the future sadly.
Consequently, the democratic structure of the Republic of Cameroon may perhaps be termed as a system of democracy that is domineering since the administration occupies managerial and parliamentary administrative centers through selections yet the sovereign party under no circumstances fails polls. Balloting Totalitarianism in this set stands for several circumstances; for instance, the fact that elections in Cameroon are primarily general. By routine, the municipal, parliamentary and executive elections are done regularly under universal suffrage with an exception on the Senatorial elections which are prepared in a two-level arrangement. This draft will seek to obligate non-partisan redistricting for legislative or executive polls to improve electoral oppositions and reduce the effects of state influence. The current system encompasses the indirect polls where 70% of representatives are voted in by the municipal councillors, and the outstanding 30% are chosen by the president (Fombad, 2017). All these should be changed in this draft by increasing the Senatorial elections by the people to a significant 90-95 percent elected and at most 7% appointed if real power is left to the people.
A different but also very weighty egalitarian exercise in Cameroon is the functions of the legislature or National Assembly in this project. All through the post-colonial period for example, when parliament was in effect with much-related structures as those in British and France, its participants stood voted after four years, and they stood for the legislative council of the republic. Parliamentary manuscripts were scrutinized and approved upon by the legislative body and taken to the executive for endorsement. Moreover, in Fombad (2017) view, the assembly also looked at the financial plan of the nation every fiscal year and debated its approval. This upcoming draft