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Pages:
4 pages/≈1100 words
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APA
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Social Sciences
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English (U.S.)
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Evolution of China’s Social Systems Research Assignment (Essay Sample)

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China's social system compared from Mao's view against that of THE general population and observers

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Evolution of China’s Social Systems
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TIME \@ "MMMM d, yyyy" May 27, 2018
Evolution of China’s Social Systems
Class System
In the early twentieth Century, imperialism had a revolutionary impact on the social and economic structures of China. The leaders of the country used the ideas against imperialism to not just fight the conquerors, but also the traditions of olden times. Western influence was responsible in part for the downfall of the Chinese empire and affected all aspects of the society. These ranged from the economy and politics to the social systems. By the time imperialism collapsed in China, the social classes and their influence had changed, but it was a weak system. The proletariat and higher classes, which are usually the most powerful, were the weakest in the China of this period. In fact, all the strata of society weak in the nation (Meisner, 1999, 6). The gentry used to be the most powerful in traditional China, drawing influence from their alignment with the bureaucracy. In post-traditional China, however, saw a decline of the gentry, with the lower classes rising in influence. This occurred due to an agricultural revolution that gave more power to the working class. However, though the powerful gentry declined, no new social class was able to take up the mantle of power.
Both the bourgeoisie and the industrialists were not matured or powerful enough to take up the spot vacated by the gentry. The largest section of the population, the peasants, could have been the most powerful, but they were politically and socially unorganized and thus, inconsequential. What was of consequence is that due to none of the classes being dominant, none was able to exercise any measure of control over the political systems in China.
Mao’s view of the classes is divided on the lines of which side of the revolutionary ideology their support lay. The landlords and the upper bourgeoisie were the ones whose loyalties lay with the imperialists, and thus, their views were completely counterrevolutionary (Mao, 1975, 14). To sustain their existence would, in effect, be detrimental to the country’s growth. The middle bourgeoisie, according to Mao, supported the revolution as they recognized the need of pushing the imperialists out. However, their support stems from a wish to become the new elite class in China. Thus, their support was contingent on the requirement of their class becoming the political rulers after the revolutions success. The last in the well-off classes was the petty bourgeoisie, comprising of self-sufficient traders and peasant, as well as students, intellectuals and government officials. They were neutral, and never opposed the revolution (Mao, 1975, 15). The semi-proletariat and the proletariat comprised the remainder of the population. The former comprises of everyone from the shop workers and peasants to peddlers. More often than not, they were unable to earn enough to make ends meet, and were affected by even small events in the economy. The proletariat comprised of a very small section of industrial workers, since China was still backwards economically Industry was still making its entry into the country.
Meisner’s understanding of the social system is built on the basis of how communism effectively leveled the classes. This was to be expected as per the communist ideology, and Meisner’s views are, of course, tempered by perfect hindsight. On the other Hand, Mao’s view of society is more evaluative of the system in place in 1926. He develops the future outlook on the basis of the revolution’s success. Looking at the evolution of China over the years, the evaluation has turned out to be true. The most dissatisfied section of the population was essentially everybody apart from the ruling and the influential class, and they led to the success of the revolution. However, as the country has become an economic superpower in the twenty-first century, the higher bourgeois, which was expertly painted as the main enemy, has come to the forefront of the success of the country.
Measure of Mao’s Success
In his 1949 speech “On People’s Democratic Dictatorship”, Mao Zedong said that the communist party of China would be in power. He designated many new agencies and committees under the aegis of the regime. He termed the new People’s Democratic Dictatorship as a weapon against both domestic and international threats and said: “We can fully rely on this weapon” ("On the People's Democratic Dictatorship", 2004). All factions and people who were seen as an opposition to the communist government were deemed to be reactionaries under the control of these domestic or foreign powers. Mao also saw a relationship with the Soviet Union as well as other democratic nations around the world to help China shed its underdeveloped status. He foresaw a China that was not seen as uncivilized but as an emerging superpower.
Liang Heng was born in Mao’s home province in the late 1950’s. As such, he saw the growing pains of the Communist party and its efforts to bring a vast nation under control. His book, Son of the Revolution, recounts those first decades of turmoil. The revolution was more or less history, and the leaders in power were the ones who had fought and suffered during its course. Based on Heng’s telling of experiences, they were successful in some limited measure, an as much as could be expected. As the country was guided by the leaders towards modernization and economic growth, there was some cultural ...
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