Population and Living Standards: Different European Nations (Research Paper Sample)

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Population and Living Standards of Europe, 1945-2005
According to the Cambridge economic history of modern Europe book, changes in living standards across Europe since 1945 have been based on income shifts, population patterns, and set policies on welfare delivery. The book offers a detailed comparative analysis of the living standards of the European Community as a block. It uses Human development Index and GDP as statistics methods of measuring income, life expectancy, and educational literacy as an attempt to describe the patterns in the changes of living conditions for the whole Europe in general. The 60 decade period in which the book was written is marked by a post-war era, on which Eastern Europe was the most affected. The period also marked the rapid industrialization of most European countries, especially the Western nations, and marked a time where communism and democratic ideologies influenced most government policies. It is, therefore, imperative to focus whether the authors provided us with a foundation for an in-depth comparative analysis of the living condition status of this period, and the conclusions that can be drawn from the study that could be of benefit to the reader in analyzing current living condition patterns and future changes in them. The thesis of this review is to state the changes in demographic and living conditions extrapolated in the book, the causes, and outcomes of such shifts, limitations of the study and conclusions that can be drawn from the study for future analysis.
Public welfare expenditure transformed qualitatively and quantitatively as from 1945. Coverage across financial regions, employment strength and the populace at large became collective. The goals of the expenditure were elevated from mere eradication of hardships to ample social protection schemes ranging from unemployment to supporting low or no income earners, retirement benefits and access to free healthcare. In Western Europe for instance, social expenditure rose from 7 to 15 percent of GDP during post-war era and to between 20 to 42 percent in 1980. This growth, however, slowed down together with the GDP growth during the 1980s until the end of the century.
The percentage of European Community residents living in poverty between the periods of 1975 to 1993 rose from 12.6% to 14.7% respectively. This corresponded to the drop in social expenditure and an overall rise in income inequity in the 1980s. 32-38% of families in most Western European countries in 1980 had lived below half the median income before social transfers took place, which increased between 5-10% after the receipt. Communist countries experienced low-income concentration levels than their capitalist counterparts before the fall of communism.
The Human Development Index (HDI) average score increased by 30% in the period between 1950 and 2003. Using an HDI threshold of 0.8, the Europe of 1950 can be characterized as an area of medium human development. This changed to high human development by 1975 as the limit rose above 0.8. Thresholds higher than 0.9 had been achieved by most European countries except for Eastern Europe and Portugal. The North-west sect was more developed in 1950 than their southern and eastern counterparts, but the southern Europe, characterized by convergence, caught on fast and the difference diminished from 0.16 to 0.03 points. Eastern Europe was characterized by rapid increase in HDI scores between 1950-1965, slightly above their North-west counterparts. A trend which deteriorated rapidly, picking up again during the 1990s.
In terms of the income component of the HDI, in 1950 Southern Europe's GDP per capita totaled to 46% of the North-west Europe. This fell to an equivalence of 75percent by 2003. Eastern Europe is however recognized by its divergent trend in GDP over the post-war era. Its GDP per capita grew at 3.8% in 1950 to 1979; this remained stagnant after 1979 and declined further in the early 1990s. This recovered to 3.2% in 1994-2000, and the levels witnessed in 1979 was to not to be achieved until 2000. In general, growth for the whole period can be classified as 2.6%per annum for North-west, 3.6% for Southern and 2.3% for Eastern Europe. The average laborer in Western Europe worked fewer hours in 1992 than in 1950.
As for the case of life expectancy, North-west Europe added more than ten years to average life expectancy between the periods of 1950-2002. The Southern Europe average life expectancy was remarkable at 16years per person. Eastern Europe witnessed the same rate as their southern counterparts in the 1950s, but the trend diverged in the late 1960s. The growth rate of Eastern Europe life expectancy was reduced to effectively zero during 1973-1991, this was to pick up only after 1977.In 2003, for both North-west and southern Europe, life expectancy hit over 78years while Eastern Europe witnessed only over 72years.
Education, the knowledge part of HDI combines general enrollment rate with adult literacy rate. The scores of Eastern Europe are remarkable in this regard slightly differing from that of North-west Europe. Southern Europe, however, was marked by resilient catch-up and convergence witnessed by Portugal's low initial standards that subsequently achieved high growth rate.
Considering population changes, Europe, in general, has witnessed significant mortality decline since the Second World War. Life expectancy at birth was increased by 9-18years in North-west and Southern parts; trends experienced even before the war. Strong convergence was witnessed in these regions while the trends experienced in the East were more modest. In Spain and Portugal for example, life expectancy was relatively low in 1950 but experienced steadfast growth afterwards. Mortality in most of the Eastern countries did not fall between the mid-1960s and 1990s as was seen in western and southern Europe. During 1965-95 for example, male life expectancy for Eastern Europe decreased by 1.41 years but rose by 1.2to 1.3 years in western and southern parts. Before the Second World War, Europe was experiencing a fall in fertility rates, this trend continued during the war, with the exception of some countries like Britain, France and Scandinavia. The fertility rate then rose slowly, maintaining the growth until the mid-1960s, from which there was a significant shift. Until the present time, fertility has declined in every European country to very low levels. In the 1990s, 15% of population growth was natural, the rest, 85% was due to immigration. Presently, 20% of the European married women populations are childless, while the rest of the 80% have one or two children. Southern Europe witnessed faster ageing patterns. In Europe, general life expectancy for 65years age group was 15.9 for males and 19.5 for females in 2004. In 2000, age group between 15-65 years was four times that of 65years and above. In the 1950s and 1960s, receipts of pension schemes increased faster than expenditure making pensions levels higher than that of taxation.
After the Second World War, European migration was dominated by refugees and displaced person, with West Germany being the largest recipient. By early 1950s, immigration was dominated by workers. This trend increased until the beginning of the 1970s when it averaged at 3million. By 1973, immigrants made up 12% of German labor force with the French making 10%. Towards the end of the 20th century, migration patterns shifted. Europe witnessed increased south-north migration, especially from Africa. Migration patterns in Southern Europe changed from net-emigration to net-immigration. Eastern Europe was no exception, witnessing a high number of asylum seekers and low rate of emigration out of the countries. Asylum seekers number peaked at 500,000 applications with only 50,000 being approved, 150,000 deported and 300,000 still living in Europe illegally. Of all the countries, Germany was the most affected.
After providing a summary of the changes in the living standards and demographic patterns witnessed in Europe in the post-war era, this section aims to discuss factors contributing to the changes and their outcomes. First, the variations in the public expenditure patterns can be attributed to deviations in the role of the government as the sole guarantor of the physical and property security of its citizens to being providing broader economic and social protections. This change in state management view can be linked to the embracing of full democracy, changes in demographic patterns focusing on birth control and increased mortality rates and focus towards sustainable economic growths. The number poor people in society acts as a fundamental and reliable indicator of the effectiveness of the welfare system in its attempts to safeguard the populace from being redundant and uncontrolled birth rates.
The HDI indices are important in giving a brief in patterns of living standards history. It captures core quality of life by focusing on its components like material wealth, longevity, and technology, measuring assumed minimum and maximum goals achieved in each element. Countries with GDP per capita of 40,000 international dollars, 85% life expectancy at birth, 100 percent enrollment and adult literacy rates ranks first in HDI indices. The decline in variation in rankings of the HDI over the period from 1945-2005 is an indication of a merging of living standards in Europe.
From the income statistics, it is imperative to conclude that central planning and communism produced meager outcomes. It suffices that depreciation of living standards and incomes resulted in the fall of these systems. High salaries witnessed in the golden age can be attributed to the shift of the workforce from the primary agricultural sectors to the secondary manufacturing industries. Central planners decline can majorly be the outcome of resource allocation bi...