Female Genital Mutilation in Africa (Essay Sample)

Female genital mutilation in Africa
Introduction
Culture, which has both its material and non-material aspects, is an important topic to sociologists. Physical possessions that societies attach meaning to, like artifacts, food clothing, and architectures, are known as material culture. On the other hand, a creation or an abstract idea that is not in the form of a physical thing constitutes non-material cultures. Female genital mutilation is a non-material culture practiced by some communities in Africa as a rite of passage to womanhood or marriage (Althaus 1997). According to Althaus (1997: 30), this primitive practice is "the partial or total cutting away of the external female genitalia. The dialogue surrounding female genital mutilation (FGM) is relatively young since no much was talked about it some decades ago. In fact, the West got into the debate in between the 1950s and 1960s (Althaus 1997). Nonetheless, African activists and health practitioners have brought its negative consequences to the attention of the world. Althaus (1997) confirmed that the UN issued its first formal statement regarding the elimination of FGM in a seminar in Khartoum in 1979. Almost forty years down the line, the practice is still prevalent in some countries worldwide, with Africa having the highest prevalence. Hence, insights into the current state of FGM in Africa and the sociological perspectives of the procedure are important to sociologists and other stakeholders.
Literature Review on FGM
Being a broad subject, there are colossal amounts of literature on FGM. Most literature is on its prevalence, cultural aspects, health complications and the anti-FGM campaign. "FGM is practiced in households at all educational levels and all social classes and occurs among many religious groups (Muslims, Christians, and Animists), although no religion mandates it" (United States Agency for International Development (USAID) 2014: 2).This primitive culture is prevalent in central Africa, North of the Equator. As such, it’s not practiced in Southern and Northern parts of Africa, except Egypt (Althaus 1997). Research shows that FGM is carried out in twenty-eight countries in Africa and a few nations in Asia (Kaplan et al. 2011; USAID 2014; Althaus 1997). This problem has been associated with poverty, but the truth is that there are traces of this practice in the advanced world. Kaplan et al. (2011) reported that migrants in the United States and Australia carry their culture along. Globally, a hundred to a hundred and forty females have gone through the cut, and more than three million are at the risk of FGM (Kaplan et al. 2011; USAID, 2014).
The social context of FGM is as complicated as the process. Several authors seem to indicate that FGM is deeply embedded in the culture of those who practice it (Althaus1997; Kaplan et al. 2011). Althaus (1997:1) reiterated "despite these grave risks, its practitioners look on it as an integral part of their cultural and ethnic identity, and some perceive it as a religious obligation." Althaus (1997) added that that, in some societies where the position of a person is traced through paternal ancestry, FGM reduces instances of doubt in paternity by preventing or discouraging promiscuous activities by women. Although countries and communities conducting the procedure have different cultural settings, most of them don’t educate girls and regard them as a commodity for sale. A girl’s virginity is considered as an excellent bargain for a lucrative bride price and honor to her family (Althaus (1997). In some instances, a bridegroom’s family is given the chance to inspect a groom’s body.
The anti-FGM campaign is one of the most notable fights in our society. National and global efforts to end FGM have culminated in education, information sharing, and legislations. In 1995, during the Fourth World Conference on Women, FGM was termed as a violation of human rights and a danger to women reproductive health (USAID 2014). Consequently, there was a call to all governments to draft and enforce legislations that would make the act illegal. Hence, "FGM has gained recognition as a health and human rights issue among African governments, the international community, women’s organizations, and professional associations (USAID 2014:2). Out of the 28 countries that USAID collected data from, 25 have some laws or decrees dealing with FGM. As a result, this procedure is losing its earlier prominence in Africa. Recent data indicates low levels of cutting among girls aged between 15 and 19 (USAID 2014). Kenya, Egypt, and Sierra Leone are some of the countries with dwindling cases of FGM. Data from Nigeria and Ethiopia show a significance difference between teenage girls and older women. This information is a clear indication that young girls are being spared by the perpetrators. All in all, the dwindling, and the changing trends are pointers towards the success of the anti-FGM advocacy.
Often undertaken without anesthetic and in unhealthy conditions by people with little or no knowledge of medicine, FGM puts women and young girls at the risk of severe mental and physical illnesses (Althaus 1997). These complications are worse in cultures that go through extreme forms of the practice. Citing a 2006 study done by the World Health Organization (WHO), USAID (2014) stated that FGM is associated with augmented complications during childbirth and maternal deaths. Other side effects cited by the study include rigorous pain, hemorrhage, infertility, tetanus, infection, cysts, psychological and sexual problems, among other problems. An even bizarre form of FGM is infibulation (Kaplan et al. 2011). In this case, the clitoris and labia are excised, and the edges of the vulva are stitched together to thwart sexual intercourse. Deinfibulation is dangerous and painful, and its aftermath leads to complication in childbirth and sexual intercourse. An earlier study conducted in Northern Sudan estimated that infibulation caused 20-25% of the infertility cases (Althaus 1997).
Discussion: Main Section
The appalling nature of FGM and the thought of it being performed on girls as young as four years elicits national and international outcry. As a result, there are widespread programs aimed at bringing it to an end. We’ve made great strides in the fight against FGM, but we could have done better. A few things are pulling us behind. For instance, the west deals with the issues in a colonial manner. Insinuating that only western leadership and feminists can eradicate this barbaric tradition is offending to communities where FGM is practiced. You can’t just bump into people and impose your traditions on them before understanding why they do things in a certain way. The West must find answers to a culture where women hurt their daughters, young girls and other women.
A good way to address FGM is through proper application of cognitive social science. Cognitive social science addresses the mental condition and its connection to the physical. "Unlike classical theorists who hold that concepts must "fit the world," cognitive scientists have revealed that concepts are defined relative to simplified mental models of the world" (Schwartz, 1992:8). Therefore, there must be reasons as to why some communities practice FGM and not others. Kaplan et al. (2011: 1) claimed:
"In many societies FGM it is a rite of passage to womanhood with strong, ancestral sociocultural roots. Rationalizations for the perpetuation of FGM/C include: preservation of ethnic and gender identity, femininity, female purity/virginity and "family honour"; maintenance of cleanliness and health; and assurance of women’s marriageability.
For that reason, a balance must be found between respecting other people’s culture and activism. In this regard, the inherent contradictions of a given culture are subjected to a debate involving different age groups, gender, and social classes. A middle ground should, then, be found before a community is slowly dragged out of a barbaric procedure.
Theoretical Perspective
The sociological perspectives of Charles Wright Mills would be interesting in the FGM debate. Mills is among the rare sociologists who try to have an interpretive analysis of the various sociocultural systems. In other words, he attempts to tailor his analysis on a worldwide view and empirical evidence (Scott and Nilsen 2013). Besides, his works entail issues and matters that are dear to people, and he articulates them in a manner that expands our understanding. Most importantly, Mills uses theory to clarify processes and social structures. His views, which are a holistic scrutiny of the sociocultural system, are useful in our understanding of social reality. If he were alive, Mill would probably help us understand what goes on with cultures that practice FGM. In line with functionalists, such as Emile Durkheim, he would probably advise us that social institutions are imperative to social stability (Isajiw 2013). I guess, he would also argue that slow social change is critical and hasty social change is an enemy of social order (Isajiw 2013). In this respect, anti-FGM crusaders should slow down on their campaigns and stop the wholesale condemnation of those undertaking the procedure. The fight should be long term; socials reforms are conducted gradually. These reforms stem from education, coming up alternative...