The Emergence of Boko Haram in Nigeria (Research Paper Sample)

Boko haram emerges in Nigeria.
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Boko haram emerges in Nigeria.
In the context of postcolonial Africa, violence is justified in the name of nationalism, security, and postwar development, all of which are needed to sustain postcolonial modernity. The institutionalization of new individualistic kinds of identity and consciousness, which were often rooted in ethnicity and religion, was another failure of the colonial era. The African leaders repeatedly committed this error throughout their dominance over the continent. Since July 2009, Boko Haram, often known as the "Nigerian Taliban," a group located in northeastern Nigeria, has ramped up its violent activities against the Nigerian state and its citizens. The gang has implemented a program of bomb attacks, abductions, and drive-by shootings against various government and civilian targets (Brechenmacher, 2019). In May 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe, the three northern states worst hit by the conflict.
Emergency measures have been taken, but they have failed to stem the flow of the insurrection. They have instead intensified the group's ambition to impose its way on the most populous country in Africa. As shown by the confiscations made by government security personnel in northern Nigeria, the weapons and ammunition utilized by Boko Haram in recent attacks are becoming more sophisticated (Brechenmacher, 2019). This is a reason for particular concern. Due to heightened government efforts against Boko Haram, many Nigerians are fleeing their homes and seeking asylum in neighboring nations out of fear of retribution attacks and general insecurity. Consequently, this study will concentrate on the role that international social welfare and development practice plays in the Boko Haram crisis in Nigeria.
Approaches Taken by Different Actors in Boko Haram Case in Nigeria
The Government Efforts
The government's first reaction to the danger presented by terrorists was to make efforts to enhance anti-terrorism laws. This was one of the first moves that the administration took. On June 4, 2013, the government declared Boko Haram and Ansaru criminal organizations, assigned their behavior as terrorist activities, and issued an official alert that anyone allied with the two categories might face legal implications. In addition, the administrative buildings their actions as terrorist activities. The trial of hundreds of people presumed of people who belong to Hamas and Ansaru, as well as cooperation with these institutions, led to the conviction of eleven Boko Haram militants in 2013, according to the solicitor general and the justice minister. These convictions were the result of the prosecutors of hundreds of people.
The administration's second step was to strengthen the capabilities of the military and other security services. According to the late National Security Adviser Owoeye Azazi, the military was prepared for the uprising and subsequent aerial bombardment in August 2011.On the other side, the government has been increasing the training, equipment, and cooperation given to the security and military forces to strengthen their capacity to deal with the danger (Brechenmacher, 2019). The prioritization of retraining troops in urban warfare, terror, and insurgency activities resulted from this. A substantial premium is also placed on the administration and training of employees and acquiring weapons for close-quarters combat, surveillance, amphibious missions, demolition and explosion penetration, strategic communications, and civil-military interactions. The military recently finished the renovation of the nation's first armored vehicles (APCs). They are currently constructing additional protective gear, such as military uniforms, to improve the nation's functionality when fighting insurgencies. The very first drone designed and constructed by the air force was shown to the world for the first time on December 17, 2013, by President Jonathan.
After much procrastination, the government has now started looking into the prospect of negotiating with the terrorists. Since the beginning of the war, the government has said it is willing to talk to Boko Haram; however, its determination to do so has been inconsistent. The government has declared that it is open to negotiations with Boko Haram. Officials may occasionally acknowledge that continued indirect communications are taking place, while other authorities may deny the existence of such interactions. On August 2, 2011, the government nominated Usman Galtimari, a former ambassador to Chad, to lead a panel of eight members who were tasked with evaluating the security danger that Boko Haram posed and offering suggestions on how to put a stop to the massacre ( (Anugwom, 2018). It was proposed in the report that was handed in on September 26, 2011, that individuals of the cult who opposed murder be offered amnesty and allowed for conversation.
International Partners Support
The United States, France, and the United Kingdom grew more worried about the danger Boko Haram posed to the area's security. As a result, they started to concentrate their attention on Nigeria's neighbors. The Global Security Collaboration Fund and the Counterterrorism Partnerships Program were both used by the United States government in order to boost the level of security assistance provided to Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. Several US government entities initiated this project to increase military ties with the countries near Lake Chad (Lyekekpolo, 2016). As a result of this modification, the government of the United States was capable of supporting combat actions against Boko Haram without bypassing the political difficulties involved with providing direct aid to the government of Nigeria. To strengthen community strength in the face of increasing violent extremism, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) simultaneously undertook several smaller-scale stabilization efforts in the Lake Chad area.
In 2016, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) started working closely with the Nigerian military to build a nationwide DDR structure. This collaboration is still ongoing. For the Organization to accomplish this goal, it needed authority from Congress to make use of a spending rule that allowed for foreign aid to be used to pay for DDR activities. The State Department was instrumental in ensuring the success of this procedure (Brechenmacher, 2019). Following in-depth discussions, they agreed on a proposal that called for the United States Department of State and the United States Agency for International Development to collaborate to locate and evaluate potential military equivalents. Despite this, the development of the framework proceeded at a snail's pace since USAID needed help finding a civilian partner with responsibility for the process.
As a direct consequence, USAID found it challenging to communicate with Nigeria's highest military officials. The United States' efforts to fight Islamic extremism and to rebuild were hampered by the long procedures of coordination and screening required for this sort of help, making it difficult for the country to fulfill its aim of delivering direct aid to Process Secure Corridor and particular persons who must have and have not yet been granted clearance by Nigerian security services. This was due to the time commitments needed to provide such aid. This was a challenge for the United States hence the need for such aid. This was the case because Operation Safe Corridor is located in Nigeria (Anugwom, 2018). In addition, it is against the law to provide material help to internationally approved organizations such as terrorist groups.
During the last two years, several civilian institutions, the Secretariat of a National Security Advisor being the most notable of them, have increased their involvement in the process. In December 2017, the government of Nigeria approved a first Action Plan for Disarmament, Isolation, Rehabilitation, and Normalization of relations to take action against questionable members of the Boko Haram terrorist group (Anugwom, 2018). The government is still working on this strategy in conjunction with the Organization For Migration (IOM) to fit it into the existing Policy Structure and National Strategy for Avoiding and Trying to combat Violent Extremism.
The United States of America has contributed to the development of a fruitful dynamic within the Binational Commission (BNC), which has expanded the range of bilateral engagement in a number of domains of common interest. Despite the significance of security services, Under Secretary of State Wendy Sherman asserted on August 15, 2013, in Abuja at a symposium of the BNC's regional stability working group that combating Boko Haram "could require an additional social compact with the Nigerian people that contains an economic growth strategy as a complement to the government's security plan." 261 Despite this, the United States and its foreign policy partner organizations must tend to exert stress and assist initiatives and programs.
The assistance action plan led by the United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID) and is one of the effective programs concentrating on the north; it would provide more direct help to those who require it, contribute to the positive development of the lifestyles of a significant number of extra girls and women, and brought this area closer to achieving the MDGs (Anugwom, 2018). Because of the joint development agre...