The Pot and Driving Campaign (Term Paper Sample)

The pot and driving campaign
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Institution
The pot and driving campaign
Introduction
According to Armentano (2012), although cannabis has been proven by experts to be safer with motorists than alcohol, responsible cannabis consumers never drive while impaired. The pot and driving campaign is based on this simple concept. It is an initiative by the Canadian Public Health Association (CPHA) launched in 2005 to raise awareness amongst young drivers in Canada (14-18 years-of-age) as well as their passengers on cannabis-impaired driving risks. This campaign is underpinned by the philosophies of the harm reaction strategy. Nurses and other medical and legal professionals draw on a variety of harm reduction approaches to reduce the harms associated with the use of alcohol and other legal or illegal drugs. This paper provides an academic exploration of the pot and driving campaign and its relationship to the harm reduction approach and why the approach is suitable for the campaign efforts.
The Harm Reduction approach
Harm reduction may be defined as a pragmatic public health strategy for reducing the negative consequences of various risky behaviors (Canadian Nurses Association, 2011). Harm reduction strategies involve attempting to influence change without necessarily involving the force of the law. It involves working with the perpetrators of a given vice to find lasting solutions and mitigate negative outcomes associated with these vices. Harm reduction may encompass cultivating a safety-first culture in driving cars, riding bicycles and motorcycles and sexual practices. They encourage safe drinking as well as helmet, seatbelt and condom use. Some of these harm reduction strategies have been incorporated into various health promotion education approaches. They have benefits for individuals, families, as well as communities. The harm reduction movement began in the 1980s as injection drug use became prevalent as a means of HIV transmission. Harm reduction has come to be accepted as a humane approach as compared to the law enforcement stance to reducing drug-related harm. The International Harm Reduction Association (IHRA) refers to harm reduction as the series of policies, practices and programs whose primary objective is to reduce the adverse social, health, and economic consequences of using legal and illegal psychoactive drugs without particularly reducing their consumption (Canadian Nurses Association, 2011). The strategy benefits people who use drugs as well as their families and communities.
Suitability of the harm reduction approach to the issue
There are a number of reasons why a harm reduction approach is suitable to this issue. Proponents of harm reduction have highlighted the fact that there are high rates of substance use among the youth (Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015). For example, Dubois et al. (2015) report that cannabis use is more prevalent among young people. 18.2% of undergraduate students in Canada used marijuana at least once within a year. Data from traffic offence records supports these findings (Perreault, 2013). Ialomiteanu et al. (2012) indicates that 18-29 years olds were considerably more likely than their older counterparts to use marijuana within the past year, report marijuana use and driving or report marijuana use problems. The second reason why the harm reduction principle suits the pot and driving campaign is because of the ineffectiveness of drug prevention programs. In Canada, the high rates of cannabis use points to ineffective drug prevention programs. The third factor that makes a harm reduction approach suitable is the fact that it is difficult to target programs to high-risk adolescents and other youth groups. Such individuals are often not forthcoming with information regarding drug use for fear of reproach and other punitive consequences. The less punitive approach of harm reduction, therefore, appeals to these young people. Since cannabis-impaired driving in Canada has contributed to an alarming number of deaths and injuries, any approach that seeks cooperation with the majority of the culprits should be welcome. Besides these factors, there are determinants of health that increase the incidence of risk or harm.
Determinants of health that contribute to incidence of harm/ risk
There are several determinants of health that affect Canadian youth, making the harm reduction approach suitable to them. Most of these factors are socio-economic in nature. Socio-economic factors affect the health status of youths between 12 and 19 years differently from those between 20 and 29 years. One of the contributing factors is residence. Most young adults undergo changes when they move out of their parents’ homes to look for employment or to start their own lives. According to Public Health Agency Canada (PHAC) (2011), there is a slight increase in the number of young adults living in urban areas. For example, 78% of Canadian youth lived in urban areas in 2006, this figure represents a slight increase from 75% a decade earlier (PHAC, 2011). This factor may contribute to reduced vigilance by parents on young adults, leading to negative behavior such as cannabis use and impaired driving. Also, it could lead to exposure to cannabis use and other vices that are more prevalent in urban areas than rural areas. Another socio-economic determinant of health involves education, employment and income. Across the life course of any individual, these factors affect one’s health. One’s level of education may determine their social behavior and awareness. Similarly, income levels may determine one’s ability to seek help or counseling to stop cannabis use. It may also affect one’s ability to get opportunities in life or participate in society. As such, youths who feel left out and neglected are more prone to negative conduct such as indulging in drugs (PHAC, 2011).
Harm reduction philosophy and suitability to the pot and driving campaign
Harm reduction strategies are underpinned by a set of principles/ philosophies that are applicable to the pot and driving campaign. First, harm reduction approaches accept, for better or worse, that illicit and licit drug use are part and parcel of contemporary society and choose to try and minimize the harmful effects instead of ignoring or condemning them.
The second principle is the establishment of quality individual and community well-being and health and not necessarily cessation of all drug use. This principle makes the harm reduction approach suitable in the pot and driving campaign because it involves young people below the age of 25 years, who require guidance (Dubois, Mullen, Weaver & Bédard, 2015). The third principle is the non-coercive provision of resources and services to people who use drugs as well as the communities in which they live.
The fourth principle is the incorporation of drug users and people with a history of drug use in the creation of policies and programs meant to serve them (Lightfoot et al., 2009). In this regard, the harm reduction approach is suitable because the pot and driving campaign deals with young people who prefer to be included in decisions that affect their lives rather than being subjected to strict rules.
The fifth principle is the affirmation of drug users as the main agents of the reduction if harms related to drug use. The sixth principle is the recognition of the reality of issues such as poverty, racism, class, past trauma, social isolation, gender-based discrimination as well as other social inequalities that affect people’s vulnerability to and ability to deal with drug-related harm effectively. There is a need for an intersectional lens that makes one understand the socio-cultural, historical and political forces that shape responses to mental health and addictions as well as harm reduction approaches. In this regard, the pot and driving campaign, if reliant on harm reduction principles is fitting for the youth in Canada. The seventh principle is that harm reduction principles do not try to ignore or minimize the real and serious harm and danger related to legal or illegal drug use.
Evidence for program rationale
The Pot and Driving Campaign, a 2005 initiative by the CPHA in collaboration with Canada’s Drug Strategy was developed through extensive review of the prevailing evidence and input from Canadian youth as well as professionals. It helps raise awareness amongst young drivers in Canada (14-18 years-of-age) as well as their passengers on cannabis-impaired driving risks. There is a wealth of evidence with relation to cannabis use amongst Canadian youth that underpins the need for the pot and driving campaign. For example, Beirness & Porath-Waller (2015) Indicate that Cannabis, also known as marijuana is the most common illicit drug in Canada. 10.6% of Canadian youths aged between 15 years and above reported having used cannabis one or more times over the year 2014. This figure is almost identical to the one recorded in 2012 (10.2%). Beirness & Porath-Waller (2015) also report that cannabis use is more prevalent among the youth. Approximately 27% of Canadians of ages 15 years and above who reported having used the drug in the past three months also reported that they used it every day in the year 2012 (Beirness & Porath-Waller,2015).
Another reason why the pot and driving campaign is appropriate for Canadian youth is that cannabis contributes to a significant number of accidents in the country. According to Sayer (2014), motor vehicle collisions are a serious public health concern particularly in Canada where 2,227 fatalities and 11,226 serious injuries resulted from collisions. Verster and Roth (2012) indicate that driving a vehicle is a complex undertaking that requires physical and behavioral control aspects and the capacity to process and integ...